Scapegoats of Indonesia's Frustration Anger at the Rich Has Devastated the Chinese Middle Class
The country's wealthy but vulnerable Chinese community is an easy target in
Moslem-majority Indonesia because of its perceived wealth
(MSNBC)
JAKARTA, Indonesia, May 18 - As Lai Wiriadi, 70, shuffles
through the wreckage of his home, his feet crunch on the broken glass of
Coke bottles, smashed by looters in an orgy of destruction last Thursday.
His wife Wang Nan Xiu sobs, telling of all the things that were stolen-all
the appliances, the baby formula, the medicine, even the ceiling fan. On
the white walls, in fresh red paint, are messages they left behind: "Die
Chinese," and "Chinese go home."
THIS IS HOME to Lai, who came from China in 1932 and set up his tiny
auto parts shop here on Warung Buncit Street. His family-including 19 children
and grandchildren-live on the second and third floors, above the shop,
which was also devastated.
Even more shocking to the family was that the looters should know all
this. Most of them were familiar faces-men and boys from this neighborhood,
who carried out the destruction while the family huddled on the top floor.
"My heart is sick," says Lai. "Some of these peoplewere customers."
There are thousands of sick hearts in the city, as people come out to
survey the damage done in the riots that left whole sections of Jakarta
charred or gutted. It is clear that most of the targets were homes and
businesses owned by ethnic Chinese, who as a group dominate the Indonesian
economy. And there is growing fear and anxiety that indigenous Muslims,
known as Prebumis may take to the streets again and vent their frustration
over relative hardship, which has deepened with the ongoing economic crisis.
THOSE WITHOUT PRIVATE JETS INDONESIA
The sad irony is that many of the Chinese Indonesians who remain to
bear the brunt of the frustration are themselves middle or lower class
citizens-not the handful of tycoons who have made their wealth through
close ties to President Suharto. The super rich chartered planes out of
the country when the riots started and left security forces to guard their property.
"Why do they attack us?" asked a woman in her 20s whose extended family
lost two electronics shops in the flames. "We don't have any connection
to the president.... Now we have to lay off some of our employees, and most
of them are (prebumi). I'm sorry to complain to you, but I helped my parents
build the business, so I'm hurt badly. Could you please inform my family
of how to claim asylum or how to get out of here?"
ROOTS OF THE PROBLEM
The ethnic rift goes back to the early days of colonialism when Dutch
businesses used Chinese merchants- successful throughout the region-as
a kind of comprador class in what was then the Dutch Indies. But the Chinese'
dominant position was institutionalized by President Suharto, after he
grabbed power from founder father President Sukarno in 1966.
In return for their patronage, and access to Chinese credit networks
overseas, Suharto gave a handful of wealthy Chinese exclusive control over
trade in key commodities, which became the underpinnings of multi-billion
dollar empires. Paradoxically, throughout his three decades Suharto has
also been instrumental for the repression of ethnic Chinese by allowing
them to be scapegoats for social and political problems-including the communist
threat, long after the threat was past.
Even today, many Chinese believe that the looters, while willing participants
in the mayhem, were instigated by some force within the military, to divert
criticism from the government. "Where were the military during the looting?"
asks says Suriya, who lost his electronics shop in a blaze last week. "They
were no where to be seen."
The result of last week's riots was a nearly total destruction of business
districts in the heavily Chinese Glodok and Kota. These areas are estimated
to generate a third of Jakarta's wealth, and their loss mean that rebuilding
the economy will take years, particularly given the ongoing financial crisis.
STRATEGIES FOR SAFETY
Since the most serious slaughter of ethnic Chinese in 1968-69, when
an estimated 500,000 were killed, Chinese in Indonesia have developed a
range of strategies to prevent attacks. Most have adopted Indonesian names
like Hardoko or Suriya instead of Wang and Chen-and only use their Chinese
names at home, if they have one.
To defuse jealousy among poor neighbors, many individual Chinese make
shows of generosity at the main Muslim holidays, handing out free cooking
oil and other goods. "You have to bribe them," says one cynical Chinese
computer professional. "You should not build big walls around your house,
or they may want to attack."
Appearances are of the utmost importance. One bank president told me
that wherever he set up a bank branch, he donates heavily to building and
maintaining the neighborhood mosque, and other high-profile social programs
in the area. As a result, last week when mobs came, Prebumi neighbors of
the bank came to its rescue. Some shopping malls and hotels took the more
direct approach-paying off the armed forces to guard their property.
Homes and shops around the city (including Chinese-owned) are hung with
signs declaring "Prebumi," "I am Muslim," and "Prebumi owned" hung by individuals-and even some foreign franchises-to discourage looters. Some places, like the 300 year old Sion Protestant church have hung signs stating "Pro-Reformasi"-affirming the need for serious political and social change: "Pro-Reformasi." Heavily armed guards stand by at its gates.
The church, along with most major businesses in Jakarta, is closing
its doors to wait out the potential turmoil of National Awakening Day on
Wednesday, when thousands of protesters are planning to take to the streets,
prompting fears that the peaceful demonstrations may again spark violent
riots in the city.
LITTLE TO LOSE
At a covered market in south Jakarta that serves a predominantly prebumi
area in south Jakarta-there was also anticipation, but seemingly little
of the fear about the events to come. One vegetable seller said she doesn't
agree with the violence and looting, but admitted that she had not been
able to stop her husband or son from going out and taking part of last
week's action. By all accounts, it will be "lively."
These people's view of politics is simple, underpinned by the stark
reality of food prices soaring out of reach. Cooking oil has in the last
week risen to 6000 rupiah from 3500 rupiah per liter. Chinese interests
largely control this key products. So the poorest Muslims are understandably
skeptical of political rhetoric. "Reform is good," said a clothes vendor, "As long as it is real, deep change that really
makes a difference."
A growing number of Muslims and non-Chinese Indonesians also condemn
the violence against Chinese, while sympathizing with the frustration that
caused it. Students have sought to distinguish their movement from the
mob behavior that it apparently sparked last week. At Trisakti University,
a new slogan has surfaced: Reform means Democracy, not Discrimination."
BEGINNINGS OF TOLERANCE
In many neighborhoods in the cities, Chinese and Prebumis have formed
night patrols to guard against looters. A Prebumi business executive employed
by an American company voiced the overwhelming view among Indonesia's better-educated population: "Our problem is not the Chinese, it is the president."
But the fear is that in this volatile environment, there will be no
reasoning with mobs. At the Australian embassy, there is a growing line
of visa applicants who have heard rumors that Sydney is prepared to be
lenient or even grant asylum. Those who can scrape together the required
5 million rupiah ($500) exit fee are doing so.
Meanwhile, for Chinese Indonesians like 32-year old Suriya, who was wiped out financially when his parts shop was burned to the ground last week, the only thing to do is hunker down and wait. With the few others who turned out for Sunday's afternoon service at Sion church in Glodok, he said a fervent prayer-for kindness, patience and tolerance. |